Friday, 27 January 2012

Bo - Chaos in Cappadocia


B"H

Full text here. Although again, it's not going to help much ;-)


1) Midrash Tanchuma Bo, Chapter 4

רבי אבא בר כהנא אמר, חשך ואפלה שמשו במצרים. אבל תוהו ובוהו לא שמשו בעולם הזה ולא עתידין לשמש. והיכן עתידין לשמש. בכרך גדול שבקפוטקייא, שנאמר, ונטה עליה קו תהו ואבני בהו


For those of you who were expecting a nice wee dvar Torah this week, I'm sorry. That was the plan, until I re-read one of this week's midrashim with my chevruta K.C. (thank you!) and came across something very odd indeed. So, instead I'm taking you on an Indiana-Jonesque romp through the backwaters of Talmudic-era history/geography and online reference materials before admitting that, no, I still can't work out what on earth this midrash means (although as you can see I have some ideas of my own...).

The fourth chapter of the Midrash Tanchuma on Bo divides into two halves which, as we shall see, may or may not relate to each other. The first half compares the order of the Ten Plagues in Egypt to both the tactics used by a king to subdue a rebellious province (keep this in mind) and, neged k'neged midda, the different tasks for which the Egyptians enslaved B'nei Israel. The second half of the midrash then uses various apocalyptic-sounding prooftexts from the Nevi'im to demonstrate how G-d will also bring all of the Ten Plagues used in Egypt against Edom - which, as mentioned in previous posts, is usually a coded reference to the Roman Empire in Talmudic/midrashic literature.

However, in the middle of what is essentially an anti-Roman rant is a cryptic statement by Rabbi Abba bar Kahana (see source 1 above):

'Darkness and total darkness were operative [shimshu] in Egypt, but the emptiness and desolation [tochu v'vochu] will not be operative in this world or in the future [lo shimshu...v'lo atidin l'shamesh]. Where will they become operative [atidin l'shamesh]? In the metropolis of Kaputkaya [bich'rach gadol sheb'Kaputkya], as it is stated 'He will draw a line of emptiness [tochu] and weights of nothingness [vochu] against it' (Yeshayahu 34:11)'.

The transliterations above have been added for a few reasons. Firstly, I'm not entirely sure what 'shimshu' and its variants actually mean or that 'operative' is the most helpful or accurate translation (any better suggestions? I've already tried Jastrow...). Secondly, the words 'tochu v'vochu' used here are important to note, as they refer directly back to the primordial chaos which existed at the start of Bereishit before G-d even created light. The implication here is that both the midrash and its prooftext from Yeshayahu are describing something even worse than the plague of darkness which G-d sent upon Egypt - nothing less than utter destruction and devastation.

But the biggest mystery (to me, at least) is this - what or where is this large city of 'Kaputkaya'? To the lay reader, it does not immediately appear to bear any relationship to Edom/Rome (which is what this midrash is focused on, after all). Then there is the oddity of its name - it sounds very much like a non-Hebrew placename, yet the midrash refers to it as if it would be well-known to the contemporary reader, even if not to us today.

Furthermore, why is there any need to mention this place Kaputkaya at all? After all, the Yeshayahu prooftext cited by Rabbi Abba bar Kahana forms part of a prophecy explicitly describing G-d's destruction of Edom, so this should be enough in itself to set up the parallel between darkness/Egypt and destruction/Edom - indeed, the midrash does exactly that several lines later by referring back to the same prooftext to show darkness being brought upon both Egypt and Edom.

Back to our chevruta session this week. When we both got stuck on 'Kaputkaya' as a placename, my chevruta googled it on her phone. Typically, Google decided to change it to 'Kapukaya', for which all that came up were websites advertising car rentals and holidays in Turkey. So we concluded Kaputkaya (or somewhere sounding very similar) might be a real place, but as we still hadn't a clue why some random Turkish town or region might be in our midrash we simply moved on.

However, it still niggled me enough that when I next had some spare time I tried googling 'Kaputkaya' again, this time exactly as it is spelt in the midrash translation above. This time, instead of holidays in Turkey I got a smattering of English footnotes to the Talmud/Mishnayot - namely Bava Batra 58b (something being 'inscribed on the entrance to Kaputkiya, a district in Asia Minor') and Ketubot 10 (a dispute about which currency a man divorcing his wife is obligated to pay her in where they were married and/or got divorced in either Eretz Yisrael or Kaputkaya).

So far, so good. Clearly this is a place known at the time of the Talmud. It even seems to be a place where Jews have settled, as evidenced by the discussion in Ketubot above about the divorcing couple. However, while a location in Turkey also seems to fit it still seems a little vague, especially given the midrash referring to 'the large city' of Kaputkaya.

It was upon trying a few alternative spellings (possibly 'Kaputkiya') that I finally got somewhere with this blog,* which not only explains that 'Kaputkaya' is in fact the Turkish region of Cappadocia but very helpfully goes through a list of Talmudic and Midrashic references to this place, including some of those mentioned above (although, sadly, not our particular Midrash Tanchuma on Bo) . Most importantly, it points out that in the region of Cappadocia there was a city known as Caesarea/Caesarea-Mazaca, which at the time of the Talmud had to be distinguished from the Caesarea we are familiar with in Eretz Yisrael

Hmmm. Could this Caesarea be the 'ch'rach gadol' [fortified city/metropolis] of Kaputkaya' referred to in our midrash? It would certainly be a good candidate, and the Roman name might also explain why it is being brought into a midrash about Edom.

Well, after searching around a little I found this online Jewish Encyclopedia article about Cappadocia, which mentions not only that Caeserea-Mazaca was the capital of Cappadocia but also that according to the Talmud (Moed Katan 26a), during a war with the Romans, the Persian king Saphor I besieged the city and massacred 12,000 Jews.

While I'm now going out on a limb here, I would venture that this helps our midrash make more sense. What if Rabbi Abba's statement about 'tochu v'vochu' and this important city of Kaputkaya is referring not to the future destruction of Edom but to an event which had already occurred (and relatively recently by Talmudic/midrashic standards)? This would explain why it is being mentioned here - presumably the midrash's original audience would have 'got' the reference at once as a specific sign of Edom/Rome's future downfall. 



But there's a problem. The massacre mentioned above is not only of Romans, but specifically of Jews! Furthermore, the midrash's references to the primordial chaos of 'tochu v'vochu' and the wider Yeshayahu prooftext implies that this devastation was/is to be even worse than the plague of darkness experienced by the Egyptians. While we may be able to understand the Rabbis of the Talmud wishing a worse fate upon the Romans than upon the Egyptians, it is a different matter to find this in reference to the destruction of what was, apparently, a thriving Diaspora Jewish community.

And there's more. If we actually look up the Gemara itself in Mo'ed Katan which mentions this massacre (see the 5th paragraph of p102 in this translation), we can see the Babylonian sage Shmuel's reaction being used as a precedent for one not tearing one's clothes on hearing bad news, despite the number of Jewish deaths involved in this case. While the Gemara's first explanation is that one should not tear one's clothes unless 'the misfortune involves the larger part of the Community', rather surprisingly it also then comments that in this case the Jews of Caeserea-Mazaca had 'brought it on themselves' while King Saphor was essentially blameless for their deaths.

If we bear in mind that the Rabbis of the Talmud were based in King Saphor's territory while Caeserea-Mazaca was in the Roman Empire, then it is perhaps understandable why Shmuel and the Babylonian community would not conspicuously mourn what was a great victory for the king against the Romans. Not only would this be going against the public mood, but as we have seen the Rabbis themselves were hardly the greatest fans of the Romans.

What is more disturbing here is the Gemara's implication that the massacred Jews of this Cappadocian city were not worthy of being mourned publicly because, somehow, they deserved their own destruction. Perhaps the Jews of Cappadocia were pro-Roman, and therefore seen as traitors by communities in Babylon and elsewhere. Perhaps there were even early Jewish-Christians around who would have been seen as heretics and therefore deserving of their fate. However, I for one still find it disturbing to see one group of Jews publicly stating that a sizeable group of fellow Jews had brought their deaths upon themselves and therefore refusing to mourn for them.

Which brings me to my problem - if we link our midrash above on 'Kapatkaya' to the 3rd-century siege of Caeserea-Mazaca in which a large number of Jews were massacred, how do we interpret the midrash's use of Yeshayahu 34:11 and the phrase 'tochu v'vochu' as a metaphor for this destruction? Is the midrash simply concerned with the destruction of Edom/Rome without worrying about the Jewish deaths involved? Is it following the Talmud's example and condemning the 'Romanised' Jews of the region to share the fate of the Romans themselves? Or is there in fact an underlying sense of horror at the massacre of this Jewish community which the Babylonian Rabbis, being on the 'other side' of the Persian-Roman wars, cannot openly express but nevertheless feel?

I honestly cannot make up my mind on this one. If you want to have a shot (or indeed have any comments on this area of Jewish history), please do.

Shabbat shalom

RPT

P.S One reason behind my hesitancy is that I usually like reading sources in the original - preferably in a book - rather than through translations/other random sources on the Internet. In this case I've had little choice but to rely on the latter, but if anyone who is more knowledgeable or has access to original texts wants to chip in, please do.

*I am well aware that the linked post actually forms part of a flame war between two sides of the 'who wrote the Zohar' divide. While it makes for interesting reading in its own right, I have no intention of getting into the topic here simply because it doesn't really bother me, and those who know me well enough can already guess what I'd say if pushed for an opinion ;-). Besides, it seems a little pointless to start commenting on Person A demolishing the argument that Person B is using to demolish the argument that Person C is using to disprove Person D's claim that Person E was really the author of the Zohar...

Saturday, 21 January 2012

Va'era - What's in a Name?

B"H

You know the drill by now. Full text of Midrash Tanchuma on Va'era is here

1) Shemot 5:22 - 6:3

וַיָּשָׁב מֹשֶׁה אֶל-יְהוָה וַיֹּאמַר  אֲדֹנָי לָמָה הֲרֵעֹתָה לָעָם הַזֶּה לָמָּה זֶּה שְׁלַחְתָּנִי.  כג וּמֵאָז בָּאתִי אֶל-פַּרְעֹה לְדַבֵּר בִּשְׁמֶךָ הֵרַע לָעָם הַזֶּה וְהַצֵּל לֹא-הִצַּלְתָּ אֶת-עַמֶּךָ

א וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל-מֹשֶׁה עַתָּה תִרְאֶה אֲשֶׁר אֶעֱשֶׂה לְפַרְעֹה  כִּי בְיָד חֲזָקָה יְשַׁלְּחֵם וּבְיָד חֲזָקָה יְגָרְשֵׁם מֵאַרְצוֹ.  {ס} ב וַיְדַבֵּר אֱלֹהִים אֶל-מֹשֶׁה וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אֲנִי יְהוָה.  ג וָאֵרָא אֶל-אַבְרָהָם אֶל-יִצְחָק וְאֶל-יַעֲקֹב בְּאֵל שַׁדָּי וּשְׁמִי יְהוָה לֹא נוֹדַעְתִּי לָהֶם


2) Midrash Tanchuma on Va'era, Chapter 1

תדע לך, שלא גלה אותו לאבות העולם. ולמה גלה אותו למשה. על הלך לגאל את ישראל. מה כתיב למעלה מן הענין, וישב משה אל ה' ויאמר, ה' למה הרעותה לעם הזה. אם אמר אדם לגדול הימנו למה הרעותה, דבר קשה הוא אומר. ולא עוד אלא אמר, ומאז באתי אל פרעה לדבר בשמך הרע לעם הזה. אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה, חבל על דאבדין ולא משתכחין, הרי כמה פעמים נגליתי על אברהם יצחק ויעקב באל שדי, ולא אמרתי להם ששמי ה' כשם שאמרתי לך, ולא הרהרו אחר מדותי. אמרתי לאברהם, קום התהלך בארץ לארכה וגו' (ברא' יג יז), בקש מקום לקבור שרה ולא מצא, עד שקנה בארבע מאות שקל כסף, ולא הרהר אחר מדותי. אמרתי ליצחק, גור בארץ הזאת כי לך ולזרעך אתן את כל הארצות האל (שם כו ג), בקש מים לשתות ולא מצא, שנאמר, ויריבו רועי גרר עם רועי יצחק לאמר לנו המים וגו' (בראשית כו כ), ולא הרהר אחר מדותי. אמרתי ליעקב, הארץ אשר אתה שוכב עליה לך אתננה (שם כח יג), בקש מקום לנטוע אהלו ולא מצא, עד שקנה במאה קשיטה, ולא הרהר אחר מדותי. ואתה תחלת שליחותי אמרת לי מה שמך, ועכשיו אתה אומר, ומאז באתי אל פרעה לדבר בשמך וגו'. לפיכך עתה תראה אשר אעשה לפרעה וגו'. במלחמת פרעה תראה, ואין אתה רואה במלחמת שלשים ואחד מלכים שיעשה בהן נקמה יהושע תלמידך. מכאן את למד, שנטל משה את הדין, שלא ליכנס לארץ. לפיכך כתיב, וידבר אלהים אל משה, שישב עליו במדת הדין. ויאמר אליו אני ה', מדת רחמים, שאגאל את ישראל ואכניסם לארץ. לכך כתיב, וארא אל אברהם אל יצחק ואל יעקב באל שדי:


3) Bereishit 17:1-2 and 8

א וַיְהִי אַבְרָם בֶּן-תִּשְׁעִים שָׁנָה וְתֵשַׁע שָׁנִים וַיֵּרָא יְהוָה אֶל-אַבְרָם וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אֲנִי-אֵל שַׁדַּי הִתְהַלֵּךְ לְפָנַי וֶהְיֵה תָמִים.  ב וְאֶתְּנָה בְרִיתִי בֵּינִי וּבֵינֶךָ וְאַרְבֶּה אוֹתְךָ בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד
ח וְנָתַתִּי לְךָ וּלְזַרְעֲךָ אַחֲרֶיךָ אֵת אֶרֶץ מְגֻרֶיךָ אֵת כָּל-אֶרֶץ כְּנַעַן לַאֲחֻזַּת עוֹלָם וְהָיִיתִי לָהֶם לֵאלֹהִים.

4) Bereishit 26:2-3

ב וַיֵּרָא אֵלָיו יְהוָה וַיֹּאמֶר אַל-תֵּרֵד מִצְרָיְמָה  שְׁכֹן בָּאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אֹמַר אֵלֶיךָ.  ג גּוּר בָּאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת וְאֶהְיֶה עִמְּךָ וַאֲבָרְכֶךָּ  כִּי-לְךָ וּלְזַרְעֲךָ אֶתֵּן אֶת-כָּל-הָאֲרָצֹת הָאֵל וַהֲקִמֹתִי אֶת-הַשְּׁבֻעָה אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּעְתִּי לְאַבְרָהָם אָבִיךָ.

5) Bereishit 28:13

  יג וְהִנֵּה יְהוָה נִצָּב עָלָיו וַיֹּאמַר אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי אַבְרָהָם אָבִיךָ וֵאלֹהֵי יִצְחָק הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה שֹׁכֵב עָלֶיהָ לְךָ אֶתְּנֶנָּה וּלְזַרְעֶךָ.

Ref only - Bamidbar, 20:7-12 re: Moshe and Aharon hitting rock and being punished.

"And Moshe returned to G-d and said 'My Lord, why have you done evil to this people, why have you sent me? From the time I came to Pharoah to speak in Your Name he did evil to this people, but You did not rescue Your people'. G-d said to Moshe 'You will soon see what I shall do to Pharoah, for he shall let them go because of a greater might and because of a greater might he shall drive them from his land'. And G-d spoke to Moshe and said to him 'I am HaShem. I appeared to Avraham, Yitzhak and Ya'akov as El Shaddai, but with My Name HaShem I did not make Myself known to them'."           (Source 1 above)


Straddling the end of parshat Shemot and the opening of parshat Va'era, this passage is highly enigmatic in its closing lines. G-d claims to have revealed Himself to Moshe through a different name from that by which the Avot knew G-d - yet, we can see for ourselves that the four-lettered Name referred to here is used throughout Bereishit. How, then, can this be a new 'name' for G-d?

The midrashic explanation (source 2) above sees this as G-d's coded rebuke following Moshe's outburst, telling Moshe both that he will only live to see the Exodus itself (i.e. what G-d will do to Pharoah) but not the later conquest of Eretz Yisrael, and that Moshe has somehow failed to live up to the standards set by the Avot who, the midrash states, did not question G-d's middot even when their own experiences appeared to contradict G-d's promise that Eretz Yisrael would belong to them and their descendants.

Superficially this appears to work - the midrash contrasts the Avot's patience and faith in G-d with Moshe's impatience to see G-d redeem his people. In some ways, this explanation for Moshe's being barred from entering Eretz Yisrael also ties in with the p'shat explanation for this later in on Bamidbar where Moshe's hitting the rock to obtain water is seen by some as a sign of Moshe's impatience and/or anger. 

However, what has this got to do with the name by which either Moshe and the Avot know G-d by? And if we are being honest, surely Moshe has some justification for protesting at G-d's apparent inaction? After all, if Avraham can protest against G-d's condemning the cities of S'dom and Gemorrah to destruction surely Moshe is entitled to at least some frustration when the victims in this case are what G-d has claimed to be His chosen people? If we look into the midrash more closely, we can perhaps solve some of these problems. 

The most striking aspect about this midrash is that it is very specific about the Avot not questioning G-d's middot (usually translated as 'character trait' e.g. he/she has good middot). In order to interpret this, we need to bear in mind the tradition that G-d's various Names (which are the overall concern of this midrash) each refer to a different midda or aspect of G-d. The four-lettered name 'HaShem', which G-d claims to have revealed Himself by for the first time to Moshe, therefore connotes a different aspect or 'midda' of G-d than 'El Shaddai', the name by which the Avot are meant to have known G-d by. While the midrash itself does not explicitly state what 'El Shaddai' represents, it does explain that the divine Names 'HaShem and 'Elokim' represent G-d's aspects of mercy (rachamim) and strict justice (din) respectively.

This is crucial in order to interpret the midrash. As we may remember, in parshat Shemot Moshe famously asks G-d to reveal His Name to him, seemingly as 'proof' for Moshe to bring to Am Israel of his G-d-given mission to help free them from Mitzrayim. However, it is after Moshe's first disappointing encounter with Pharoah (where Am Yisrael's workload is made heavier rather than lighter) that Moshe turns to G-d and says 'From the time I came to Pharoah to speak in your Name...'[my emphasis]. If we look at this through the prism of divine Names representing different aspects of G-d, then Moshe's point becomes even starker - G-d, by allowing the slavery of 'His people' to become worse, is not being true to His attribute of rachamim as represented by the name 'HaShem' which G-d had specifically told Moshe to use when approaching Pharoah to ask for their freedom.


G-d's rebuke to Moshe - that the Avot never questioned His middot despite not having had G-d's Name of HaShem revealed to them - also makes more sense if we understand that the name of 'El Shaddai' represents a particular aspect of G-d which was special to G-d's relationship with the Avot. We first see this name used when G-d changes Avram's name to Avraham and establishes a new brit with him, as part of which G-d reiterates His earlier promises that Eretz Yisrael ultimately belongs to Avraham and his descendants (see source 3 above).  Avraham that changes his name, reiterates promise re: land belonging to him. G-d repeats this promise about Eretz Yisrael to both Yitzhak and Ya'akov the first time He appears to them (see sources 4 and 5 above) and - although the specific name 'El Shaddai' is not used here - G-d in both cases identifies Himself through His relationship with Avraham. 

The midrash therefore appears to pick up on this point by making G-d's promise regarding possession of Eretz Yisrael part of the midda represented by 'El Shaddai' - yet the Avot, who never truly 'possessed' the land in their lifetimes without having to either buy portions of it (Avraham and Ya'akov) or be subjected to disputes over it (Yitzhak), never questioned G-d's apparent failure to be true to His promise as represented by this name/midda. This is an exact parallel to Moshe's situation at the end of parshat Shemot where he questions G-d's apparent lack of rachamim - hence, according to this midrashic interpretation G-d's rebuking Moshe through the opening of parshat Va'era.

Furthermore, in this midrashic explanation of why Moshe is barred from entering Eretz Yisrael Moshe is punished neged k'neged middah for questioning G-d's aspect of rachamim by having G-d judge him through his aspect of 'din' at first, and only afterwards employing rachamim. What the midrash is also telling us here is that, just because G-d does not give us 'instant' results or appear at a superficial level to be acting in accordance with a particular aspect/promise of His, this may not be an accurate reading of events. Sometimes, only the passage of time can reveal the way G-d works.


Shavua tov!


RPT

 

Thursday, 12 January 2012

Shemot - The Midwives' Tale

B"H

Going a bit off piste this week. If you really want to, the full text of Midrash Tanchuma on Shemot is here, but for once I'm not referring to it in any way...

1) Shemot 1:15-21

וַיֹּאמֶר מֶלֶךְ מִצְרַיִם לַמְיַלְּדֹת הָעִבְרִיֹּת אֲשֶׁר שֵׁם הָאַחַת שִׁפְרָה וְשֵׁם הַשֵּׁנִית פּוּעָה טז וַיֹּאמֶר בְּיַלֶּדְכֶן אֶת-הָעִבְרִיּוֹת וּרְאִיתֶן עַל-הָאָבְנָיִם  אִם-בֵּן הוּא וַהֲמִתֶּן אֹתוֹ וְאִם-בַּת הִוא וָחָיָה.  יז וַתִּירֶאןָ הַמְיַלְּדֹת אֶת-הָאֱלֹהִים וְלֹא עָשׂוּ כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר אֲלֵיהֶן מֶלֶךְ מִצְרָיִם וַתְּחַיֶּיןָ אֶת-הַיְלָדִים.  יח וַיִּקְרָא מֶלֶךְ-מִצְרַיִם לַמְיַלְּדֹת וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶן מַדּוּעַ עֲשִׂיתֶן הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה וַתְּחַיֶּיןָ אֶת-הַיְלָדִים.  יט וַתֹּאמַרְןָ הַמְיַלְּדֹת אֶל-פַּרְעֹה כִּי לֹא כַנָּשִׁים הַמִּצְרִיֹּת הָעִבְרִיֹּת  כִּי-חָיוֹת הֵנָּה בְּטֶרֶם תָּבוֹא אֲלֵהֶן הַמְיַלֶּדֶת וְיָלָדוּ.  כ וַיֵּיטֶב אֱלֹהִים לַמְיַלְּדֹת וַיִּרֶב הָעָם וַיַּעַצְמוּ מְאֹד.  כא וַיְהִי כִּי-יָרְאוּ הַמְיַלְּדֹת אֶת-הָאֱלֹהִים וַיַּעַשׂ לָהֶם בָּתִּים.



Va'yomer melech mitzrayim la-m'yaldot ha'ivriyot asher shem ha'achat Shifra v'shem ha'shenit Puah...

So opens a brief but significant episode of our ancestors in Mitzrayim - the deliberate refusal of two midwives, Shifra and Puah, to obey Pharoah's orders of infanticide against newborn Jewish boys because they 'feared G-d'. The Torah is vague on who exactly they are, as the phrase 'm'yaldot ha'ivriyot' can be translated as either 'the Hebrew midwives' or the 'midwives of the Hebrews' (i.e. possibly Hebrews but equally possibly Egyptians). Perhaps the Torah is even being deliberately vague here in order to emphasise not the identities of the midwives involved but their universal quality as quiet heroines against Pharoah's unjust orders. (The Chief Rabbi has an excellent dvar on this here, which is well worth reading).

It is therefore unsurprising that we find both readings of this text supported in tradition. Rashi, apparently following a midrashic tradition in Sotah 11b, identifies Shifra and Puah as pseudonyms for Yocheved and Miriam (or, in an alternate reading provided by the midrash, Yocheved and her eventual daughter-in-law Elisheva). However, other commentators including Abrabanel and ShaDal* read 'm'yaldot ha'ivriyot' as meaning 'the midwives of/to the Hebrews' and conclude that Shifra and Puah were Egyptians.

What difference does this make? After all, according to the Chief Rabbi and similar commentators the important part of this episode is not so much who Shifra and Puah were as what they did in rebelling against Pharoah. However what interests me is not so much who they actually were, but who we have been taught they were and whether or not this affects our outlook both on Torah and on the world around us.

Let me explain. As some of you may know**, I had a rather unconventional Jewish education as my mother and I were mostly self-taught until I reached university. Our first Haggadah was the slightly 'unorthodox' A Different Night (which is an amazing resource, even if we have since found it rather hard to use when following Seders in other people's homes/communally...). The commentary to this Haggadah emphasises the reading that Shifra and Puah were Egyptians and holds them up as an early example of civil disobedience (which makes sense if you remember that this Haggadah was written partially with American readers in mind, for which the image of Egyptian midwives rebelling against their monarch to protect newborn slaves probably holds greater significance post-60s and the civil rights movement). It was only many years later that I first heard Shifra and Puah identified as Yocheved and Miriam, with the result that even now I instinctively think of Shifra and Puah as 'the Egyptian midwives'. 


However the more involved I became with the wider Jewish community, the more I became aware that my perception was an exception to the general rule. While I have not conducted a proper survey***, I have found that those who with some kind of formal Jewish education (even if just through cheder) will instinctively identify Shifra and Puah as Yocheved and Miriam and may not even be aware of Abrabanel/Luzzatto's alternative identification of them as Egyptians.

While some might see this difference as being insignificant, for me the choice of who Shifra and Puah are has important implications for how we view the relationship between Jews and Egyptians in Shemot. If Shifra and Puah are Yocheved and Miriam then their refusal to harm their own people - although still heroic -  is a very natural response which easily fits into a narrative where the Jews are the 'good guys' and the Egyptians the villains of the tale, and where most of Jewish history can be summarised as 'the rest of the world against us'.

On the other hand, if Shifra and Puah were in fact Egyptians rebelling against their own Pharoah (who would have been regarded as a mini-deity by Egyptians) to protect a despised slave population from harm, then the black-and-white morality of 'good' Jews v 'bad' Egyptians suddenly becomes much more complex. Just as the Shoah was not simply a case of non-Jews seeking to destroy the entire Jewish nation but included 'Righteous Gentiles' who went out of their way to save Jews, so too the slavery in Shemot was not a clear-cut case of Egyptians oppressing Jews but included Egyptians who were willing to make a stand for what was right (just as there were Jews at the time who were willing to fight amongst themselves....) 

Given that most Jewish children seem to be brought up with the 'black-and-white' view that Yocheved and Miriam were the midwives, I would love to know whether this and other midrashic interpretations forming a child's Jewish education today impact on their worldview. Does a Jew who is used to Shifra and Puah as being Yocheved and Miriam view non-Jews and our relationship with them more pessimistically than a Jew who thinks of Shifra and Puah as courageous Egyptians? And if we look further afield, are there any patterns underlying the choice of midrashim taught in our schools/cheder, and if so how do these affect those people who are educated in this way?


This will hopefully turn out to be a long-term project of mine, but for now I'd rather get to grips with the midrashim themselves first. All I can say is 'watch this space'...

Shabbat shalom!

RPT

*Rabbi Samuel David Luzzatto 
**If you don't know me personally, I would suggest reading my introductory post here on my background 
***Although if you're reading this, it'd be great to do a quick straw poll right now - if someone asked you 'who were Shifra and Puah', what would your first reaction be? Answers in the comments below ;-) 

Sunday, 8 January 2012

Vayechi - Shema Yisrael

B"H

Apologies for taking so long to post this. While I did have it in draft form by Wednesday, somehow I had a mental block after this point, possibly because of events in Beit Shemesh/Jerusalem etc. weighing on my mind. If this week's dvar therefore sounds repetitive in themes etc., it's because I'm increasingly convinced that achieving 'achdut' (unity) is the fundamental challenge facing the Jewish people today...

Full Midrash Tanchuma text here

1) Bereishit 49:1-2

א וַיִּקְרָא יַעֲקֹב אֶל-בָּנָיו וַיֹּאמֶר הֵאָסְפוּ וְאַגִּידָה לָכֶם אֵת אֲשֶׁר-יִקְרָא אֶתְכֶם בְּאַחֲרִית הַיָּמִים.  ב הִקָּבְצוּ וְשִׁמְעוּ בְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב וְשִׁמְעוּ אֶל-יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲבִיכֶם.


2) Midrash Tanchuma Vayechi - Chapter 8

ויקרא יעקב אל בניו זש"ה מסיר שפה לנאמנים וטעם זקנים יקח (איוב יב) הכתוב מדבר ביצחק ויעקב ששניהם בקשו לגלות מסטורין של הקדוש ברוך הוא יצחק כתיב בו ויקרא את עשו בנו הגדול בקש לגלות לו את הקץ והעלים הקב"ה ממנו, יעקב בקש לגלות לבניו את הקץ שנא' ויקרא יעקב אל בניו וגו', למה"ד לעבד שהאמינו המלך כל מה שבידו בא העבד למות קרא לבניו לעשותן בני חורין ולומר להם היכן דיתיקי שלהן והאוני שלהן, ידע המלך הדבר עמד לו למעלה הימנו ראהו אותו המלך והפליג את הדבר שהיה מבקש לגלות להם התחיל מדבר העבד לבניו בבקשה מכם אתם עבדיו של מלך היו מכבדין אותו כמו שהייתי אני מכבדו כל ימי, כך ויקרא יעקב אל בניו לגלות להן את הקץ נגלה עליו הקדוש ברוך הוא אמר ליה לבניך אתה קורא ולי לאו, שכן ישעיה אומר ולא אותי קראת יעקב כי יגעת בי ישראל (ישעיה מג) כיון שראה אותו יעקב התחיל אומר לבניו בבקשה מכם הוו מכבדים להקב"ה כשם שכבדוהו אני ואבותי שנאמר האלהים אשר התהלכו אבותי לפניו, אמרו לו יודעין אנו מה בלבך ענו כולם שמע ישראל וגו' (דברים ו), כיון ששמע מהם כך מיד וישתחוו ישראל על ראש המטה התחיל אומר בלחש בשכמל"ו אמר הקדוש ברוך הוא כבוד אלהים הסתר דבר כבוד מלכים חקור דבר (משלי כה) אין המדה הזו שלך הולך רכיל מגלה סוד ונאמן רוח מכסה דבר (שם יא

3) Midrash Tanchuma Vayechi - Chapter 8 continued

ומאותה שעה זכו ישראל להיות קורין שמע, כיצד כשהיה יעקב מסתלק מן העולם הרהר בלבו ואמר אברהם אבי הוליד יצחק וישמעאל יצחק אבי הוליד אותי ועשו שמא אני יש במטתי פסולת כיון ששמעו כך אמרו כולן בפה אחד שמע ישראל ה' אלהינו ה' אחד (דברים ו) הה"ד ושמעו אל ישראל אביכם:


The first paragraph of the Shema is our ultimate affirmation of faith in G-d. Recited as 'bookends' to each day, it is one of the first things taught to our children and - including for several martyrs over the centuries - the last words uttered before death. We surround ourselves with it through the mezuzot in our homes and other buildings and the tephillin worn by men each morning. In my case, reciting the first two paragraphs of the Shema also formed part of my final interview with the Beit Din before entering the mikveh for conversion (although I don't know how typical this is of gerut ceremonies today).

While the Shema's basic concern is to affirm G-d's unity, for me there has always been an accompanying sense of the Jewish people's unity in worshipping G-d. Although I had felt this before coming across the above midrashim (Sources 2-3), some time ago I discovered an abridged version of these which can be summarised as follows (quoted from the commentary to Bereishit 49:1 in the Stone Chumash):

'[Ya'akov] wished to tell his children when Messiah would come...but the Divine Presence desrted him. [Ya'akov] did not know why. He thought that perhaps one of them was unworthy, a new Ishmael or Esau! He asked if this could be so - to which they responded with the first line of the Shema: "Hear, O Israel [i.e., our father]...just as there is only One in your heart, so there is only One in our heart." Upon hearing that the reason for his lapse in prophecy was not due to any shortcomings within his family, [Ya'akov] exclaimed in gratitude [Barukh shem k'vod malchuto l'olam va'ed], Blessed be the name of His glorious kingdom for ever and ever'.


 The midrash on which this commentary is based (Midrash Tanchuma Chapter 8) roots this 'call and response' between Ya'akov and his sons both in Ya'akov's double identity as 'Yisrael' and the wording at the start of the blessings (Bereishit 49:1-2 - see source 1 above), in which Ya'akov promises to tell his sons what will happen b'acharit hayamim (the 'End of Days') but then does not appear to do so. However, although the commentary above summarises how the midrash deals with this discrepancy, the Midrash Tanchuma itself in fact relates the 'Shema episode' twice in the same chapter, both times with subtly different nuances.
Source 2) above introduces the basic midrash by explaining that both Yitzhak and Ya'akov wanted to reveal the secret of acharit hayamim to Esav and the twelve sons of Ya'akov respectively but were effectively 'silenced' by G-d as (noted at the end of this section of midrash), their middah/characteristic is to conceal such matters rather than reveal them. 

Other than this note, the midrash is silent on why G-d prevented Yitzhak from telling Esav (although it is a fairly safe assumption that this is due to Esav's unsuitability to continue the brit/covenant begun by Avraham). However, in Ya'akov's case it explains G-d's actions through the mashal/parable of a trusted servant who, knowing exactly where the documents securing his release were held, nevertheless continued to faithfully serve his king throughout his lifetime. On his deathbed, the servant wants to reveal the location of these documents to his sons but is prevented from doing so by the presence of the king, who disapproves of the servant revealing this secret. Instead, the servant/Ya'akov implores his sons to nevertheless follow his example by faithfully serving the king/G-d even though they have not been granted the same level of knowledge concerning their destiny as their father. Ya'akov's sons reassure him that they will do so by responding ''yod'in anu mah b'libekha', anu kulam 'Shema Yisrael'...' ('we know what is in your heart', [and they all said] 'Hear, O Yisrael etc.')

On the other hand, Source 3) above at the end of this chapter of the Midrash Tanchuma takes a slightly different approach by expressing Ya'akov's fears over one of his sons being unsuitable to carry on the brit with G-d is expressed. Here, the brothers' recitation of Shema is to stress to Ya'akov their common belief in one G-d and their commitment to continuing the brit, contrary to the rejection of Ishmael and Esav in earlier generations. The midrash emphasises this by noting, unlike in Source 2), that the brothers 'amru kulan b'peh echad' (lit. 'they all said with one mouth'). Interestingly, it is also in this version of the midrash emphasising the unity of the brothers that we are told that, from the time of their response to their father Ya'akov, the future Jewish nation had the merit of kriat Shema.

Both versions of the midrash explore the transition (discussed in previous posts) between the era of the Avot and the era of an entire people arising from Ya'akov's twelve sons. While Source 3) emphasises the unity of the nascent Jewish people and the inclusion of all twelve tribes - each with their own unique characteristics, as shown in Ya'akov's blessings - in the brit with G-d inherited from their ancestors, Source 2) shows that this people are entering a new phase of this brit where certain matters (such as knowledge of the future) must remain hidden and where one must therefore have a new level of faith in G-d which does not rely on prophetic insight, setting the scene for Shemot where the Jewish people is led by the prophets Moshe, Aharon and Miriam but where the majority of the people do not have a sustained prophetic relationship with G-d.  The first Shema - here, addressing Ya'akov/Yisrael as the last of the Avot to have this particular relationship with G-d - therefore plays a pivotal role in the transition from family to nation as well as setting the precedent for our mutual affirmation of G-d's unity. 

And I pray for the day when we can follow the example of our ancestors, Ya'akov's twelve sons, by truly saying b'peh echad - Shema Yisrael, HaShem Elokeinu HaShem Echad

Shavua tov,


RPT